The Rise Of Melaka

The Rise Of Melaka IN 1511,despite the brave efforts of its defenders the last defences of Malacca was overwhelmed in the face of a fierce and sustained Portuguese invasion.Sultan Mahmud and his remaining fighting men were finally forced to abandon the city and retreated to Pahang before moving to Johor where his descendents founded the Sultanate Of Johore which lasted into 1914 . The fall of Malacca to the Portuguese brought to an end more than a hundred years of Malay rule. At its height, the sultanate was one of the worlds busiest emporia, attracting ships from the Middle-East, India, China, the Ryukyu, and the surrounding islands of the Archipelago. During the period, Malay wealth and power dominated the region. It was also an influential Islamic centre.It was an international enterport of its day the same way Singapore is to us today. Scholars generally agree that the fall of the Malacca sultanate marked a turning point in Malaysian and world history. But they disagree as to the nature of that importance. Many Western writers portray the fall of Malacca as ushering in a new political and economic order in Malaysia and South-East Asia, one dominated by the West. Others, including Asian scholars, dispute this. They insist that the Portuguese Empire was really a commercial enterprise based on a series of strategically-located fortified posts. The Portuguese were never able to impose an influence in the way the Malacca sultanate once did. Within the sphere of power in the Straits of Malacca, the Portuguese were only one of them.And unlike the Malacca Empire did not expand its influence beyond the City of Malacca. From the Western perspective, the success of the Portuguese in Asia was of epoch making importance. The capture of Malacca was the highlight of nearly a hundred years of Portuguese exploration. Prior to this, Western traders had travelled overland to reach China. But it was only in 1498 that a Portuguese fleet under Vasco da Gama finally rounded the Cape of Good Hope and arrived at the Malabar Coast of India. For the first time, a Western fleet from Europe had reached Asia. Adam Smith, in his classic Wealth of Nations, declared this as one of the two great events recorded in human history. The other, according to him, was the discovery of The New World(America) For a long time Europe had searched for a sea route to China and the East. But what motivated countries such as Portugal and Spain to undertake early explorations and to seek territorial expansion? Portugal was then only a small and poor country of about a estimated 1 million people. A mixture of motives such as scientific curiosity, adventure, profits, and religious zeal explains the support given by the state in the early Portuguese and Spanish explorations. One of the earliest patrons was Prince Henry of the Portuguese ruling house and he was keenly interested in science and geography. But perhaps the overriding factor was that there were profits to be made in the trade of spices. During the Crusades from the 11th to the 13th century, Christian knights and pilgrims had acquired the tastes of the Mediterranean, including spices. Spices then meant Eastern luxuries but pepper, nutmeg, clovers, and cinnamon were the more highly sought. These various spices soon became essential for food preservation and preparation in the pre-refrigeration era of Europe. But the spice trade was controlled by Arabs and Indian Muslims who dominated the Indian Ocean. Europe could only obtain pepper and cinnamon through the middlemen merchants of Genoa and Venice. Religious zeal was also behind the attempt to weaken Arab and Indian Muslim control of the spice trade. To this could be added the evangelical hope to bring the gospel to non-Christian lands. But the Portuguese had very little navigational knowledge to get to Asia. Furthermore, the Muslims controlled long stretches of the waters. Some explorers decided to try a different route. Hence, six years before Da Gamas voyage, Christopher Columbus sailed westward, believing this to be a shorter and easier way to Asia. Instead, he reached America. It took several exploratory voyages down the west coast of Africa before Da Gama finally made it to India. If immediate returns were to be measured, then the expedition had really little to show. The trip had lasted more than two years and, of the original crew of 170, only 54 survived. The glass beads, trinkets and textiles brought to Calicut, India, by the Portuguese found no demand. On its way back, Da Gamas mission resorted to seizing a cargo of spices from a small Muslim ship. From a wider view, Da Gamas expedition must also be seen as really a modest maritime feat compared to Arab seamen who had been circumnavigating Africa for centuries before him. Arabs traded over long distances stretching from ports of the Mediterranean through to India and to China. By the time of Chinas Tang dynasty, there was a large community of Muslim merchants in Guangzhou (Khanfu to the Arabs). Detailed Arab navigational manuals such as by Ibn Majid provided sailing information from Africa to China. Likewise, Chinese ships had by the 9th century been trading regularly at Quilon, a port just south of Calicut. The use of the compass and advances in ship technology helped Chinese overseas trade. More than a hundred years before Da Gama, Admiral Zheng He (Cheng Ho) led a Ming fleet of 62 large ships that called on rulers in the South-East Asian region. In the next few years, the Ming emperors sent out six more expeditions. One of these led by Admiral Zheng He reached the east African ports of Malindi and Mogadishu as well as Aden and Hormuz in the Arabian Sea-Persian Gulf area. For Western scholars, Da Gamas expedition defined the beginning of a new epoch in world history. For over a thousand years, Europe had been on the defensive, having to fight off the Islamic and then the Mongol threats. According to British historian Eric Hobsbawm, Europe after Vasco da Gama took a more assertive international role and over the next 500 years gained hegemonic influence over most parts of Asia. The Portuguese first, and then the Spaniards, the Dutch, the British, and the French carved out empires. It was under two viceroys, Francisco de Almeida (1505-09) and Afonso dAlbuquerque (1509-15) that Portugals Asian empire, the Estado da India, was created. DAlbuquerque personally led naval campaigns to seize strategic points along the major trade routes. Goa was captured in 1510, Malacca in 1511, and Hormuz at the entrance of the Persian Gulf in 1515. The Portuguese took over Malacca but the city never regained the prosperity and the power that was seen during the sultanate period. Once Malacca was no longer ruled by Malays, it lost the daulat, or legitimacy, to command tributes and trade from the surrounding states. Where there was one dominant emporium in the Straits of Malacca in the 15th century, by the turn of the 16th there were several. The Portuguese presence survived largely by allying itself with one or several of the local states. From the local historians point of view, the fall of Malacca had at least three other major impacts on the immediate course of South-East Asian history. Firstly, the shift of Muslims merchants from Malacca contributed to the rise of Aceh. New commercial prosperity and political power strengthened Acehs claim to being the new Islamic centre in the Straits. Aceh, at the height of its power in the 16th and 17th centuries, conquered most of north Sumatra and extended influence over the Peninsular west coast states. The Acheh push to the coast states were anyway interrupted by The Portuguese Empire The Johore Empire which after the fall of Malacca took control of most of the Malacca former Vassal states such as Pahang,Perak,Terengganu and Temasik(Singapore).The three powers continued to struggle with each other for control of the Malacca straits trade on into the 18th century. The Sultanate of Melaka or Malacca Sultanate (Malay: Kesultanan Melayu Melaka) was a Malay sultanatecentered in the nowadays state of Melaka, Malaysia. Traditional historical treatise marks circa 1400 as the founding year of the sultanate by a traitor Malay Raja of Singapura, Iskandar Shah, who was also known in certain accounts as Parameswara. The view however is being compete by a new historical contract that place the founding year in circa 1262. At the height of the sultanates influence in the 15th century, its capital grew into one of the most important entrepots of its time, with domain covering much of the Malay peninsula, Riau Islands and a significant portion of the east coast of Sumatra. As a noisy international trading harbor, Melaka appeared as a center for Islamic tutorial and dissemination, and encouraged the development of the Malay language, literature and arts. It heralded the golden age of Malay sultanates in the archipelago, in which Classical Malay became the lingua franca of the Maritime Southeast Asia and Jawi script became the primary medium for historical, religious and intellectual exchange. It is through these intellectual, spiritual and cultural developments, the Melakan era witnessed the enculturation of a Malay status, the Malayisation of the region and the subsequent formation of an Alam Melayu. In 1511, the capital of Melaka fell to the Portuguese Empire, forcing the last Sultan, Mahmud Shah (r. 1488-1511), to decline to the further reaches of his empire, where his progeny established new ruling dynasties, Johor and Perak. The legacy of the sultanate remained, with significance lies in its far-reaching political and cultural legacy, which, arguably, continues to be felt in modern times. For centuries, Melaka has been held up as an exemplar of Malay-Muslim civilization. It established systems of trade, diplomacy, and governance that persisted well into the 19th century, and introduced concepts such as daulat- a distinctly Malay notion of sovereignty that continues to shape of a new generation understanding of Malay kingship. Before the arrival of the first Sultan, Malacca was a fishing village to live by local Malays. Malacca was founded by Parameswara, also known as Iskandar Shah or Sri Majara, the last Raja of Singapura (present day Singapore) following a Majapahit attack in 1377. He found his way to Malacca around 1400 where he found a good port-it was accessible in all seasons and on the strategically located small point of the Malacca Straits. According to a popular legend, Parameswara was resting under a tree near a river while hunting, when one of his dogs cornered a mouse deer. In self-defence, the mouse deer pushed the dog into the river. Impressed by the courage of the deer, and taking it as a propitious omen of the weak overcoming the powerful, Parameswara decided on the spot to found an empire on that very spot. He named it Melaka after the tree under which he had taken shelter, the Melaka tree (Malay: Pokok Melaka). In collaboration with united countries from the sea-people (orang laut), the wandering proto-Malay privateers of the Straits, he established Malacca as an international port by compelling passing ships to call there, and establishing fair and secure facilities for warehousing and trade. Mass settlement of Chinese, mostly from the imperial and merchant fleet occurred during the dynasty of Parameswara in the nearby of Bukit Cina (Chinese Hill), which was perceived as having excellent Feng Shui. Palace of Malaccas Malay Sultanate came from its strategic location, Malacca was an important stopping point for Zheng Hes fleet. To enhance relations, Hang Li Po, according to local folklore a daughter of the Ming Emperor of China, arrived in Malacca, accompanied by 500 attendants, to marry Sultan Manshur Shah who reigned from 1456 until 1477. Her attendants married locals and settled mostly in Bukit China (Bukit Cina). (See Zheng He in Malacca). At the height of its power, the Sultanate of Malacca ruled over the southern Malay Peninsula and much of Sumatra. Its rise helped to hold off the Thais southward expansion, as well as hasten the decline of the rival Majapahit Empire of Java, which had been declining in power as Malacca rose. Malacca was also pivotal in the spread of Islam in the Malay Archipelago. After Vietnam (then known as Annam) destroyed Champa in the 1471 Vietnamese encroachment of Champa, they engaged in hostilities with Malacca with the intent of conquest. In the 9th month of the year 1481 envoys arrived with the Malacca again sent envoys to China in 1481 to inform the Chinese that, while Malaccan abassador were returning to Malacca from China in 1469, the Vietnamese attacked the Malaccans, killing some of them while castrating the young and enslaving them. The Malaccans reported that Vietnam was in control of Champa and also sought to conquer Malacca, but the Malaccans did not fight back, because they did not want to fight against another state that was a tributary to China without approval from the Chinese. They enquired to face the Vietnamese party to China which was in China at the time, but the Chinese inquire them since the disturbance was years old, they could do nothing about it, and the Emperor sent a letter to the Vietnamese ruler responsibility him for the incident. The Chinese Emperor also ordered the Malaccans to lift soldiers and fight back with violent force if the Vietnamese attacked them again.

Moderating Conflict

According to Barrosse (2007, p.210) there are three main ways to deal with conflict: â€Å"Try to change the other party, try to alter the conflict conditions, [or changing] your own communication and/or perceptions.† Each of these methods is employed by the average person when faced with conflict; however they are not all equally successful when it comes to actually moderating a difference of opinion.   When it comes to taking control of uncomfortable situations, one is certainly better off avoiding the first method. Trying to change the person you are dealing with so that they see your point of view is â€Å"a natural response [and is] usually highly unsuccessful† (Barrosse, 2007, p.210). We are all inclined to be stubborn about our own situation, and even though a compromise would generally calm the other party and afford peace, we as humans are quite unwilling to let our side of the story slip past unnoticed. The fact is, unless we get over this natural tendency to advocate our own viewpoint, there is no such thing as effective conflict moderation. When people are forced to see the other side of the argument through authoritative measures, â€Å"a subterranean resentment and desire to retaliate may well emerge† (ibid). â€Å"It is no accident that Aristotle wrote about the ‘Golden Mean’ and Buddha preached about the ‘Middle Way’† (Barrosse, 2007, p.214). These great philosophers understood that without compromise, there is no moving forward; without finding a middle ground between differing parties we will all remain isolated and controlled by our own dogged opinions. When we employ the second method of conflict moderation – trying to change the conditions of the disagreement – we are attempting neither to find a middle ground nor to ‘win’ the dispute. Changing the situation is merely a way of trying to disengage from the conflict, and quickly. This can work on a superficial level, in that the situation is handled speedily, but it may backfire and leave the other party resenting you for changing the rules. This type of behaviour can be classified as avoidance, according to Barrosse, and â€Å"when you engage the other [party] in productive conversation, you will find that (1) your behaviour is being misinterpreted by the other and (2) your perception of the other is skewed† (2007, p.216). Changing the circumstances surrounding a conflict is really not a proactive form of moderation, since by engaging in clear conversation you can take control of the dispute and work towards a solution. The final resolution method – changing your own communication or perceptions – is truly the most successful tactic you can use. The fact is that â€Å"conflict parties may know that they want to engage but not know how to start† (Barrosse, 2007, p.217). Taking charge in these situations requires understanding and patience, which may be difficult for many people, but it is nevertheless necessary for successful conflict resolution. Many people struggle with restraint: this â€Å"includes the difficult task of holding back one’s desire to act on vengeful feelings† (Barrosse, 2007, p.221). In practise there is no successful way to incorporate such feelings into conflict moderation. It is important to remain focused on the issue at hand and lay out clear objectives for all parties involved. This way, no one is distracted or perhaps made more upset at the introduction of new conflict topics and extraneous information.   Remain calm, concentrate and listen to the opinions of all parties while trying to find a common solution. â€Å"Low productivity occurs when interpersonal conflicts are not identified or openly expressed to the other party† (Barrosse, 2007, p.214). Therefore it is best practise to approach conflict moderation from the perspective that teamwork prevails.   Finding a compromise is the most sound solution. Reference: Barrosse, E. (Ed). (2007). Interpersonal Conflict. New York: McGraw-Hill Companies.    Moderating Conflict The current personal conflict that I am experiencing right now is regarding my parents and having a part-time job. I decided to have a part-time job so that I could somehow support myself while I’m studying, something which could give me a spare money during my free time. For me, I can manage to work and study at the same time because I’m a dedicated person when it comes to academic matters. When it comes to my examinations, I devote enough time to study so that I would get good marks. When it comes to projects and requirements, I make sure that I pass it before the deadline so that there won’t be any problems with my teachers. But the real problem is not with me, but with my parents. They are afraid that I might spend so much time with my part-time job and less time with my studies. They fear that as I go along with this part-time job, I would slowly loose interest with academic matters. They think that it could hinder me from pursuing my education, especially if I would start earning money. Both my mother and my father disagree, arguing that I would be better off if I just concentrated on my studies. I know they’re just concerned with my well-being, since they know how dedicated I am with my studies. The problem however, is that they don’t understand my reasons why I wanted the part-time job. I have many reasons why I wanted the part-time job. One would be the financial support that I could get from it. I wouldn’t have to rely to my parents for extra money when it comes to my personal expenses. It could also introduce me to an independent lifestyle, which I know would really come one way or another. Having this part-time job is not solely for the money, but also a good way to learn. It could be a very important experience for me, especially when it comes to my attitude towards work and my studies. Surely, it is important to prioritize my studies. However, it is also important to be introduced to the real world, wherein I’ll be able to learn how it is like to be handled by superiors, and develop a certain work attitude. The best way to moderate this conflict between me and my parents is through dialogue (Hamel, Doz, & Prahalad, 1989). The key for them to accept my decision regarding the part-time job is for them to understand my reasons. It is best if I would be able to explain to them my point. This could be done by looking for the right situation to talk to them, and it would be best if I could talk to them separately, so that they’ll understand without bothering about the opinion of the other. During the dialogue, I should be able to clearly explain why it is ok for me to have this part-time job (Pfeffer, 1999). The approach that I think would best be accepted by them is how important it is to my future. An experience such as this would greatly help me to have a grasp of what lies ahead after my studies. This is the point which I think would connect my parents and the part-time job. Both my parents are concerned about my future that’s why they are wary about the decisions I make and take. If they would be able to see how this part-time job could positively affect me and my future, then I am sure that they would approve of it. The key is for them to fully understand it (Pfeffer, 1999). Moderating conflict is a case-to-case basis. The resolution of the conflict is dependent on the situation being faced (Wilmot & Hocker, 2001). In this conflict which I have with my parents, the best approach is to have a dialogue with them and explain to the possible outcomes of the decisions I take. Through this, I would be able to show them that having a part-time job could help me build a future instead of clouding it. References: Hamel, G., Doz, Y. L., & Prahalad, C. K. (1989). Collaborate with your competitors – and win Harvard Business Review, Vol. 67(No.1). Pfeffer, J. S. (1999). The smart-talk trap. Harvard Business Review, Vol. 77(No.3,). Wilmot, W. W., & Hocker, J. L. (2001). Interpersonal Conflict (6th ed.). New York, N.Y.: McGraw-Hill.      

Complexometric Determination of Water Hardnesss Essay

Introduction/Background: This lab was about determining water hardness. Water hardness is the amount of metal ions in the water. The most common found ion in the water is calcium ions and typically with a charge of +2. Water hardness plays a big significance in our daily life because to many metal ions in our drinking water can have adverse effects on our body. You can measure the water hardness by EDTA titrations. EDTA is a disodium salt that stands for ethylenediaminetetraacetic acid and it is a chelating agent. Chelation is the process of a ligand forms a complex with a metal ion. Eriochrome Black T is an indicator you add to the water sample that will turn the water pink if metal ions exist. Through the process of titration, carefully adding EDTA to the water sample with the Eriochrome Black T will cause a chemical reaction to occur, slowly changing the water color from pink to violet and then violet to a light blue which will be the end of the chemical reaction. Once the titration is complete you can ca lculate your water hardness. Above in the formula V represents the actual delivered volume of Na2EDTA solution and M is your actual molarity. Procedures: Start by preparing 500mL of 0.004 disodium EDTA solution. This is what will be added to the buret. Next take a 250-mL Erlenmeyer flask and add 10.00mL of standardized calcium and 30mL of deionized water. Place a magnetic stir-bar in the flask and set on top of a piece of white paper on a magnetic stirrer. After place 3mL of ammonia/ammonium chloride buffer (pH10) inside the flask and let it stir for thirty seconds. Lastly add four drops of Eriochrome Black T indicator to the solution which will turn it a pink color. Begin titration and watch as the color changes from pink to violet and then violet to a light blue color. Record the data when the color turns a light blue and repeat the process two more times. Fill the buret with the same 500mL of 0.004 disodium EDTA solution. Take 25.00mL of an unknown water sample and add it to a 250mL Erlenmeyer flask. Mix in 20mL of deionized water. Set a magnetic stir-bar inside the solution and place on the magnetic stirrer. Next add 3mL of ammonia/ammonium chloride buffer (pH10). After thirty seconds of stirring add four drops of the Eriochrome Back T indicator and watch as the solution turns pink. Begin your titration by slowly adding small droplets of the 0.004 disodium EDTA solution. The color will slowly change to a violet color and then to a blue color which will be the stopping point. Record the data and repeat two more times. With the data collected calculates the hardness of each sample, then the average water hardness of all three samples, and lastly the precision of each trial. Compare your data to the expected range of a local cities water hardness. Results and Discussion: The first three titrations involved the known Calcium stock, titration 1 used 22.91ml of Na2EDTA solution before the titration complete. The second Titration used 21.91ml while the third and final used 21.55ml of solution. During the procedure a 250ml Erlenmeyer flask was used as well as a 50ml burette, the buret was filled with our Na2EDTA solution while the flask was filled with 30ml of DI water, 3ml of ammonia, and 4 drops of an indicator, in this case Eriochrome Black T. Experimental error was calculated by taking the sum of all absolute deviations/3 than divided by the mean concentration of Na2EDTA, in this case the mean concentration was .00452M, and lastly, multiplied by 1000 to get the answer in PPT. Table 1 below shows the readings of both solutions before and after titration. The mean concentration of these titrations is 0.00452, This figure was used to find the estimated precision which came out to 23.270% off of 100% meaning the experiment was 76.73% accurate. Finally the volume of the unknown was calculated to find the ppm for each titration and the mean of all three titrations was used to find the estimated precision of the unknown in ppm. The mean in ppm for the unknown came to 212ppm, this number was plugged into the equation for estimated precision which is the sum of all absolute value deviations/ number of trials, all of which is divide by the mean and multiplied by 1000ppt. The final figure came out to 25.2% off of 100% meaning that the experiment was 74.8% accurate. Conclusion: In conclusion the water hardness of a solution can be found by titrating a known solution containing metal ions and using a chelating agent such as EDTA to determine the impurities of each of the water samples. Also, using the data collected from each titration the concentration and mean can be found from each titration and used to determine the water hardness in ppm. The estimated precision of this experiment can be found by running multiple titrations on the same sample more than one time. The results obtained in this experiment include a mean concentration for the Calcium stock of .00452M, and an estimated precision of 76.73% and the average water hardness was 400.39ppm. The estimated precision for the unknown was 74.8% and an average water hardness of 204ppm. In this experiment 500ml of a known solution EDTA was prepared; a 10ml pipet was used to transfer a standard calcium ion stock solution into a 250ml Erlenmeyer flask. 30ml of DI water was added to the flask and the contents were than stirred using a magnetic stirrer and stirring rod. 3ml of Ammonia was added to the flask mixed for a few seconds underneath the fume hood and 4 drops of an indicator was added, in this case Eriochrome Black T. The contents of the flask were stirred for thirty seconds before titration began, as the titration progressed, the color changed from pink to violet and finally to a sky blue color indicating that the titration was complete. This process was completed with minor changes for the Unknown #141, 25ml of the unknown was placed in the flask and 20ml of Di water was used rather than 30ml, the rest of the titration however, used the same steps as above. Work Cited Klenck, Thomas. â€Å"How It Works: Water Softener.† Popular Mechanics 1 Aug. 1998: n. pag. Web. Our Lab instruction sheet

Araby, By James Joyce Essay - 1888 Words

James Joyce’s, Araby, is an emotional short story that centers around a nameless boy living in Dublin, with his aunt and uncle, who has a consuming crush on his friend’s sister. His love for her leads him to the Araby bazaar, and there he comes to a realization about his immature actions. This event is the basis for the entire story, but the ideas Joyce promotes with this story revolve around the boy’s reactions to his feelings about his crush. Joyce spends much of the story describing the boy’s thoughts on the area in which he lives and similarly how he feels about the life he has lived thus far. He builds up the boy’s disgust for the simple facets of his daily life and how he feels bored with where he lives and what he does. In contrast, he shows what actually excites the boy; the object of his affection. The key to his crush is in the actions of the boy and how he conducts without logic and personal will. Through eloquent descriptions of settings , moods, emotions, wisdom, and a recurring darkness, Araby highlights a boy’s coming-of-age journey to realize his foolish childhood mistake. The story begins with a vivid description of the setting. The boy feels very emotionless about where he lives and how his neighborhood appears. Joyce repeatedly uses negative words to point out how the buildings represent his hindrance toward his life. Joyce writes, â€Å"An uninhabited house of two storeys stood at the blind end, detached from its neighbors in a square ground. The other housesShow MoreRelatedAraby and James Joyce1207 Words   |  5 PagesThe short story â€Å"Araby† is clearly identifiable as the work of James Joyce. His vocalized ambition of acquainting fellow Irish natives with the true temperament of his homeland is apparent throughout the story. Joyce’s painstakingly precise writing style can be observed throughout â€Å"Araby† as well. Roman Catholicism, which played a heavy role in Joyce’s life, also does so in the story which is another aspect which makes Joyce’s authorship of the story unmistakable. As a result of Irish h eritage displayedRead MoreAraby, By James Joyce1013 Words   |  5 Pages James Joyce’s short fiction, â€Å"Araby†, speaks of the loss of innocence when one enters adulthood. The narrator of â€Å"Araby† reflects back to his childhood and the defining moment when he reached clarity on the world he stood before. The young boy, living in a world lifeless and religious influence, becomes consumed with the lust of a neighbouring girl. The girl, Mangan, is symbolically the narrator’s childhood obsession with growing up. As she resembles the desire to become an adult, the Araby is theRead MoreAraby, By James Joyce917 Words   |  4 PagesAraby is a short story by James Joyce about a young boy who is infatuated a young woman who is the older sister of one of his friends. He watches her from afar and believes that his feelings are true love. He lacks the confidence to speak to her or confide in anyone else. The narrator speaks of her as if she were the most be autiful and wondrous human on earth, however, he does not realize that he is in love with the thought of her and not necessarily her. The narrator lives in Ireland as James JoyceRead More`` Araby `` By James Joyce1315 Words   |  6 PagesThe short story â€Å"Araby† by James Joyce is a young boy who has such an infatuation for his friend Mangan sister, he begins to idolize her as if she was a saint. This is when the idea of love and desire come into play. He simply can’t stop thinking about her and sees her in a godly like way. As the story begins to unfold the realization that the young boy doesn t quite understand the concept of the illusion and the reality of what Mangan’s sister really means to him. The young boy realizes that hisRead MoreAraby, By James Joyce956 Words   |  4 PagesIn the short story â€Å"Araby,† James Joyce uses religion to give a the story deeper meaning. The narrator of the story finds himself in a confusing love that is unrealistic and distorted. In â€Å"Araby,† Joyce uses an underlying theme of religion to portray a confusing admiration that is bro ught to a twisted end. Throughout â€Å"Araby† there is an underlying theme of religion. The boy himself lives with his uncle who is feared by the other kids on the street. If he is seen the kids â€Å"hid in the shadows† untilRead More`` Araby `` By James Joyce1885 Words   |  8 PagesJohn Updike and â€Å"Araby† by James Joyce both introduce two young protagonist who both share in blinded adoration for young women. Both young men attempts to woo the young woman by proving their nobility. Both efforts go completely unnoticed by both girls and both young men are left alone dealing the aftermath of their failed nobility, which changes the way they view themselves. James Joyce’s â€Å"Araby† is a medieval romance set in Dublin, Ireland. As we are introduced to the story, Joyce describes theRead MoreAraby, By James Joyce869 Words   |  4 Pages Araby In the short novel, Araby by James joyce which was one of the most influential writers in the modernist era of the early 20th century. In Araby, Joyce highlights a young boy who describes the North Dublin Street where he lives in a house with his aunt and uncle. The narrator recalls when he and his friends used to run through the dark muddy lanes of the house to avoid his uncle or when Mangan’s sister came out on the doorstep to call her brother in to his tea. He is obsessed with the youngRead More`` Araby `` By James Joyce843 Words   |  4 PagesIn â€Å"Araby†, James Joyce uses the young unnamed boy as her main character. Representing himself in this first person view, the main character takes us on a journey that suggests the verge of adolescence. The events that take place in this story create a very clear image for us, reflecting the difficulties a young boy may undergo during the last years of his juvenile life. The awakening is sometimes unknowingly refreshing. He would watch the girl he most desires at times throughout the day as if mesmerizedRead More`` Araby `` By James Joyce1451 Words   |  6 PagesJames Joyce, an Irish novelist, wrote fifteen short stories that depict Irish middle class life in Dublin, Ireland during the early years of the twentieth century. He entitled the compilation of these short stories Dubliners. The protagonist in each of these stories, shares a desire for change. This common interest motivates the protagonist and helps them to move forward in their lives. Additionally, the protagonist has an epiphany, or moment of realization or transformation. In â€Å"Araby†, the narratorRead More Araby by James Joyce Essay620 Words   |  3 Pagesâ€Å"Araby† by James Joyce   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There seems to be a great deal of controversy surrounding the short story, â€Å"Araby† by James Joyce. This isn’t controversy dealing with various political issues or controversy involving issues of free speech or anything related to these things. It is of a more simple matter: whether the young boy in this story is capable of having a deep emotional realization at the conclusion of the story. It is obvious to me via the final sentence, (Araby, 398), that he does not make